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Trump Team Re-Ups Prosecutor Jab on Eve of Surrender_我的网站

万水千山总是情

A |     8月13日上午,雨刚停,唐山迁安五重安镇的桃园里,枝叶被洗得发亮,黄澄澄的油桃挂着水珠,格外鲜灵。    

On the night of the first GOP presidential debate, as Donald Trump’s political rivals discussed immigration, abortion, China and education, the absent former president’s campaign shared a slew of policy videos. At first blush, the move might seem to be an unremarkable attempt to stay in the discussion. But among the agenda items aimed at ending the “nightmare” of homelessness, protecting students from liberal ideology “infecting educational institutions” and a plan to “restore law and order” was a proposal with a sharper edge – one for eliminating prosecutions as we know them.
The choice was curious for a candidate who is also a defendant facing criminal processing on Thursday – one who has been warned as a condition of release not to do anything that could be construed as intimidating witnesses, co-conspirators or basically anyone in the legal system. And it highlights the narrow space between Trump’s political messaging and threats of retribution he has been prohibited from delivering.
In the video, dubbed “Firing the Radical Marxist Prosecutors Destroying America,” Trump pledges to “restore the scales of justice in America” and end the “weaponization” of the justice system at the hand of “Marxist local district attorneys,” with a plan to overhaul the Justice Department and order investigations into district attorneys, while appointing 100 U.S. attorneys who will be the “polar opposite” of those he says are destroying the rule of law.
“As we completely overhaul the federal Department of Justice and FBI, we will also launch sweeping civil rights investigations into Marxist local District Attorneys,” Trump said, claiming the prosecutors had engaged in illegal selective enforcement.
The video – part of Trump’s broader Agenda 47, a loose collection of priorities if he were to win the White House and become the 47th president that Trump also shared on social media Wednesday night – was initially released on April 13. That was the day he appeared for a deposition in New York in a case brought by Attorney General Letitia James, who has for years been among the foremost targets of Trump’s ire. But it also mirrors language Trump has used to disparage Atlanta District Attorney Fani Willis, who brought the charges in an election interference case to which Trump is expected to surrender on Thursday.
The former president, who insists he has done nothing wrong, is set to be booked on the charges after his legal team agreed to his release conditions earlier this week. Among the conditions, which are far more voluminous than those agreed to by the other defendants, Trump must not intimidate co-defendants, witnesses, unindicted co-conspirators, any victim, the community or property within the community, or “otherwise obstruct the administration of justice.” The order stipulates that such intimidation – “no direct or indirect threat of any nature” – includes posts on social media or reposts of posts made by others on social media.
The social media restriction is notable given Trump’s penchant for plentiful posts about those who he says have wronged him. Since the agreement, signed on Monday, Trump’s rhetoric about the case has appeared to dwindle. Even so, he shared a video from Georgia Lt. Gov. Burt Jones on Wednesday that claimed Willis had “funneled millions of taxpayer dollars into her self-serving pursuits,” while Atlanta’s crime “goes unchecked.” And on Monday, hours after the agreement, Trump balked at his upcoming arrest by the “radical left district attorney.”
The issue has arisen in other cases the former president faces as well, including in the Jan. 6 case where prosecutors sought a protective order after Trump appeared to make comments related to the case in a post on social media, in what they argued was part of a pattern of the former president posting about ongoing cases – and sometimes going after judges and attorneys in the process.
Meanwhile, Trump’s surrogates have maintained pressure on Willis, as they have in the other cases he faces, like on Thursday when the House Judiciary Committee opened an investigation into the district attorney, claiming that her pursuit of the charges against Trump is politically motivated, and requesting documents related to the case.
It’s likely part of a strategy Trump will employ going forward, as his speech comes under the microscope, while he tests a fine legal line in the march toward four criminal trials amid a presidential campaign.
。沈秀华踩着湿漉漉的田埂走进桃林,麻利地摘桃子、布场景、架手机——新一天的直播开始了。熟悉沈秀华的人都叫她“三姐”。这个称呼在迁安种地的、做买卖的人群里叫了二十多年。

B | 2000年,她开始在菜市场租摊位,一杆秤、一筐菜,“那时候就是最传统的模式,一秤一秤地卖。

C | ”沈秀华说。做着做着,她慢慢觉出不对劲——光靠四处收货,货源东拼西凑,品质时好时坏,没法稳定把控。2005年,她一咬牙建了加工厂,注册了品牌“乡伊香”,开始自己从种到收一点点抓起来。产业链串起来了,她也成了当地小有名气的“老把式”。

D |

沈秀华正在和桃农一起直播。长城网·冀云客户端记者 邢丁 摄真正让她动了“触网”心思的,是让她深有体会的“卡点”——“农民种出来的东西销路单一,城里的消费者需求越来越多元化。

E | ”沈秀华说,近几年,随着直播和短视频迅速发展,她看到了希望。2025年,她开始用直播搭桥,一头连地头,一头连餐桌。可一个快六十的人学直播,谈何容易。

F | “没有专业人员,没有剪辑,没有文案,什么都得自己学。”她说,“一场直播下来就几个人看,全场只有几十的浏览量。学完就忘,天天拿笔写,本不离手,写完了记,记完了再跟大家分享。”就这么一点点来。如今,沈秀华的直播间最高进房人数达到了两三万,成交量也节节攀升。

沈秀华正在拍摄短视频。沈秀华心里又琢磨上了另一件事——怎么让大伙儿都动起来。她尝试着推行“全员IP”:门店销售拍门店,车间工人拍车间,办公室人员拍管理日常。员工们的镜头里没有花哨编排,都是真实场景——空心挂面29道工序的手工制作、五重安镇桃园的现摘现发、板栗从枝头到包装的全过程。

G | “没有滤镜,没有剧本,消费者看得见、信得过,下单就更踏实。”沈秀华说。

桃农正在摘桃。长城网·冀云客户端记者 邢丁 摄助农直播让她找到了新的价值。一场京白梨助农直播,两小时卖出近3万斤——那是传统模式几个月的销量。

H | “从此我特别有信心。”她先后为太平庄尚庄村助销京白梨、为阎家店镇隔滦河村板栗带货,一场直播就能消化过去费时费力的线下销量。渐渐的,找上门的人越来越多。

I | “现在不少家庭农场、各村的负责人都来找我,想学电商直播,想让我帮他们卖村里的特色产品。

J | ”沈秀华说,“不管谁来找,我都乐意搭把手,只要能多给乡亲们拓宽一条销路。”

沈秀华直播画面。长城网·冀云客户端记者 邢丁 摄在村播这条路上,三姐感受到的不只是个人的变化,更是整个迁安农村电商大环境的悄然改变。

K | 近年来,迁安大力实施县域商业体系建设,搭建起“1+17+405”农产品现代流通体系,县乡村商业网络和物流配送实现了全覆盖。市里还专门组织了“百村带货·千人直播·万人触网”电商培训会,手把手教农户学直播、做电商。三姐也被请去讲过课,底下坐着不少比她年纪还大的老农人,一笔一划记笔记的模样,让她格外动容。

L | “政府搭了这么好的台,我们更得把戏唱好。”沈秀华说。桃园里,她又打开手机镜头:“幸福生活开村播,咱村的精彩自己播!我是三姐,我在迁安,我为家乡农产品代言。”屏幕那头,订单提示正一个接一个亮起来。

M | 总策划:郭新耀 王悦路 文 炜 张丽荣总监制:王丽平 贾海丽统 筹:张光明 冀 伟编 导:徐倩文 字:徐倩摄 像:邢丁后 期:杜宇昕 海 报:杜宇昕省农业农村厅中国乡村振兴杂志社长城新媒体集团联合出品鸣谢迁安市委宣传部迁安市融媒体中心。

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Published on:11:58:20


 
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